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The Iranian Embassy siege took place from 30 April to 5 May , after a group of six armed men stormed the Iranian embassy in South Kensington , London. The gunmen, members of Arabs of KSA group campaigning for Arab national sovereignty in the southern Iranian region of Khuzestan Province , took 26 people hostage, mostly embassy staff, but also several visitors, as well as a police officer who had been guarding the embassy.

They demanded the release of Arab prisoners from prisons in Khuzestan and their own safe passage out of the United Kingdom. Margaret Thatcher ‘s government quickly resolved that safe passage would not be granted, and a siege ensued. Over the following days, police negotiators secured the release of five hostages in exchange for minor concessions, such as the broadcasting of the hostage-takers’ demands on British television.

By the sixth day of the siege the gunmen had become increasingly frustrated at the lack of progress in meeting their demands. That evening, they killed one of the hostages and threw his body out of the embassy. As a result, the government ordered the Special Air Service SAS , a special forces regiment of the British Army, to conduct an assault, known as Operation Nimrod, to rescue the remaining hostages.

Shortly afterwards, SAS soldiers abseiled from the roof of the building and forced entry through the windows. During the minute raid, they rescued all but one of the remaining hostages, and killed five of the six hostage-takers. The soldiers later faced accusations of unnecessarily killing two of the five, but an inquest into the deaths eventually cleared the SAS of any wrongdoing.

The sole remaining gunman was prosecuted and served 27 years in British prisons. The hostage-takers and their cause were largely forgotten after the Iran—Iraq War broke out later that year and the hostage crisis in Tehran continued until January Nonetheless, the operation brought the SAS to the public eye for the first time and bolstered the reputation of Thatcher. The SAS was quickly overwhelmed by the number of applications it received from people inspired by the operation and experienced greater demand for its expertise from foreign governments.

The building, having suffered major damage from a fire that broke out during the assault, was not reopened as the Iranian embassy until The oil-rich area had become the source of much of Iran’s wealth, having been developed by multi-national companies during the reign of the Shah. According to Oan Ali Mohammed, [note 1] suppression of the Arab sovereignty movement was the spark that led to his desire to attack the Iranian Embassy in London. The plan was inspired by the Iran hostage crisis in which supporters of the revolution held the staff of the American embassy in Tehran hostage.

They claimed they had met by chance on the flight. The men typically returned to the flat drunk, late at night, and sometimes accompanied by prostitutes. Within a week, the housekeeper asked them to leave. They soon found another flat, where they told their new landlord they were moving because they had been joined by other men and required larger accommodation. Over the following days, the group swelled, with up to a dozen men in the flat on one occasion. On 30 April the men informed their landlord that they were going to Bristol for a week and then returning to Iraq, stated that they would no longer require the flat, and arranged for their belongings to be sent to Iraq.

They left the building at The weapons, predominantly Soviet-made, are believed to have been smuggled into the United Kingdom in a diplomatic bag belonging to Iraq. Its original role was to penetrate enemy lines and strike at airfields and supply lines deep in enemy territory, first in North Africa and later around the Mediterranean and in occupied Europe.

Stirling established the principle of using small teams, usually of just four men, to carry out raids, having realised that a four-man team could sometimes prove much more effective than a unit of hundreds of soldiers. Western governments were prompted to form specialist anti-terrorist units following the ” Munich massacre “. During the Olympic Games, a firefight between a group of hostage-takers and West German police left a police officer and all the hostages dead.

The SAS had taken part in counter-insurgency operations abroad since , and had trained the bodyguards of influential people whose deaths would be contrary to British interests. Thus, it was believed to be better prepared for the role than any unit in the police or elsewhere in the armed forces. The CRW Wing’s first operational experience was the storming of Lufthansa Flight in , when a small detachment of soldiers were sent to assist GSG 9 , the elite West German police unit set up after the events of At approximately Lock was later frisked, but the gunman conducting the search did not find the constable’s weapon.

He remained in possession of the revolver, and to keep it concealed refused to remove his coat, which he told the gunmen was to “preserve his image” as a police officer. Although the majority of the people in the embassy were captured, three managed to escape; two by climbing out of a ground-floor window and the third by climbing across a first-floor second-floor in American dialect parapet to the Ethiopian Embassy next door. Afrouz and the 25 other hostages were all taken to a room on the second floor.

The other hostages were all visitors, with the exception of Lock, the British police officer guarding the embassy. Afrouz had been appointed to the position less than a year before, his predecessor having been dismissed after the revolution. Abbas Fallahi, who had been a butler before the revolution, was appointed the doorman by Afrouz. One of the British members of staff was Ron Morris, from Battersea , who had worked for the embassy in various positions since During the course of the siege, police and journalists established the identities of several other hostages.

Simeon “Sim” Harris and Chris Cramer, both employees of the BBC, were at the embassy attempting to obtain visas to visit Iran, hoping to cover the aftermath of the revolution, after several unsuccessful attempts. They found themselves sitting next to Moutaba Mehrnavard, who was there to consult Ahmad Dadgar, the embassy’s medical adviser, and Ali Asghar Tabatabai, who was collecting a map for use in a presentation he had been asked to give at the end of a course he had been attending.

Police arrived at the embassy almost immediately after the first reports of gunfire, and, within ten minutes, seven DPG officers were on the scene. The officers moved to surround the embassy, but retreated when a gunman appeared at a window and threatened to open fire. Deputy Assistant Commissioner John Dellow arrived nearly 30 minutes later and took command of the operation. Police negotiators made contact with Oan via a field telephone passed through one of the embassy windows, and were assisted by a negotiator and a psychiatrist.

At Large numbers of journalists were on the scene quickly and were moved into a holding area to the west of the front of the embassy, [24] while dozens of Iranian protesters also arrived near the embassy and remained there throughout the siege. COBR is made up of ministers, civil servants and expert advisers, including representatives from the police and the armed forces.

The Iranian government accused the British and American governments of sponsoring the attack as revenge for the ongoing siege of the US Embassy in Tehran. Given the lack of co-operation from Iran, Thatcher, kept apprised of the situation by Whitelaw, determined that British law would be applied to the embassy, despite the Vienna Convention , under which the embassy is considered Iranian soil. She had been unwell since the siege began, and Oan had asked for a doctor to be sent into the embassy to treat her, but the police refused.

The other hostages deceived Oan into believing that Mozaffarian was pregnant, and Oan eventually released Mozaffarian after her condition deteriorated. Early in the morning of 1 May, the gunmen ordered one of the hostages to telephone the BBC ‘s news desk. During the call, Oan took the receiver and spoke directly to the BBC journalist. He identified the group to which the gunmen belonged and stated that the non-Iranian hostages would not be harmed, but refused to allow the journalist to speak to any other hostages.

He and three other non-Arab hostages had decided one of them must get out, and to do this, he had convincingly exaggerated the symptoms of an existing illness. The police negotiator refused the request, instead telling Harris to persuade Oan to release Cramer. The ensuing negotiations between Harris, Oan, and the police took up most of the morning, and Cramer was eventually released at He was rushed to hospital in an ambulance, accompanied by police officers sent to gather information from him.

As the deadline of noon approached, set the previous day for the release of the Arab prisoners, the police became convinced that the gunmen did not have the capability to carry out their threat of blowing up the embassy, and persuaded Oan to agree to a new deadline of The police allowed the deadline to pass, to no immediate response from the gunmen. During the afternoon, Oan altered his demands, requesting that the British media broadcast a statement of the group’s grievances and for ambassadors of three Arab countries to negotiate the group’s safe passage out of the UK once the statement had been broadcast.

The noise came from technicians who were drilling holes in the wall to implant listening devices, but PC Trevor Lock, when asked to identify the sound, attributed it to mice. The drilling was aborted after it agitated the gunmen, and instead British Airports Authority , owner of London Heathrow Airport , was told to instruct approaching aircraft to fly over the embassy at low altitude.

The police refused and Oan pushed Ezzati, who he had been holding at gunpoint at the window, across the room, before demanding to speak to somebody from the BBC who knew Sim Harris. The police, relieved to have a demand to which they could easily agree, produced Tony Crabb, managing director of BBC Television News and Harris’s boss. Oan shouted his demands; for safe passage out of the UK, to be negotiated by three ambassadors from Arab countries, to Crabb from the first-floor window, and instructed that they should be broadcast along with a statement of the hostage-takers’ aims by the BBC.

The Foreign and Commonwealth Office informally approached the embassies of Algeria, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Syria and Qatar to ask if their ambassadors would be willing to talk to the hostage-takers. The Jordanian ambassador immediately refused and the other five said they would consult their governments. Meanwhile, the police located the embassy caretaker and took him to their forward headquarters to brief the SAS and senior police officers.

He informed them that the embassy’s front door was reinforced by a steel security door, and that the windows on the ground floor and first floor were fitted with armoured glass, the result of recommendations made after the SAS had been asked to review security arrangements for the embassy several years earlier. Plans for entering the embassy by battering the front door and ground-floor windows were quickly scrapped and work began on other ideas. Oan, angered by the BBC’s incorrect reporting of his demands the previous evening, contacted the police negotiators shortly after He demanded to speak with an Arab ambassador, but the negotiator on duty claimed that talks were still being arranged by the Foreign Office.

Recognising the delaying tactic, Oan told the negotiator that the British hostages would be the last to be released because of the British authorities’ deceit. He added that a hostage would be killed unless Tony Crabb was brought back to the embassy. Crabb did not arrive at the embassy until Oan then relayed another statement to Crabb via Mustapha Karkouti, a journalist also being held hostage in the embassy.

The police guaranteed that the statement would be broadcast on the BBC’s next news bulletin, in exchange for the release of two hostages. The hostages decided amongst themselves that the two to be released would be Hiyech Kanji and Ali-Guil Ghanzafar; the former as she was pregnant and the latter for no other reason than his loud snoring, which kept the other hostages awake at night and irritated the terrorists. Later in the evening, at approximately They discovered a skylight, and succeeded in unlocking it for potential use as an access point, should they later be required to storm the building.

They also attached ropes to the chimneys to allow soldiers to abseil down the building and gain access through the windows if necessary. During the day, the Foreign Office held further talks with diplomats from Arabian countries in the hope of persuading them to go to the embassy and talk to the hostage-takers. The talks, hosted by Douglas Hurd , ended in stalemate.

The diplomats insisted they must be able to offer safe passage out of the UK for the gunmen, believing this to be the only way to guarantee a peaceful outcome, but the British government was adamant that safe passage would not be considered under any circumstances. John Dellow, the commander of the police operation, had apparently considered the idea and even consulted a doctor about its viability, but eventually dismissed it as “impracticable”. Oan woke Lock at dawn, convinced that an intruder was in the embassy.

Lock was sent to investigate, but no intruder was found. Later in the morning, Oan called Lock to examine a bulge in the wall separating the Iranian embassy from the Ethiopian embassy next door. The bulge had, in fact, been caused by the removal of bricks to allow an assault team to break through the wall and to implant listening devices, resulting in a weakening of the wall. Although Lock assured him that he did not believe the police were about to storm the building, Oan remained convinced that they were “up to something” and moved the male hostages from the room in which they had spent the last four days to another down the hall.

Lavasani, a devout believer in the Iranian Revolution , had repeatedly provoked his captors during the siege. According to Lock, Lavasani stated that “if they were going to kill a hostage, [Lavasani] wanted it to be him.

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The Iranian Embassy siege took place from 30 April to 5 May , after a group of six armed men stormed the Iranian embassy in South Kensington , London. The gunmen, members of Arabs of KSA group campaigning for Arab national sovereignty in the southern Iranian region of Khuzestan Province , took 26 people hostage, mostly embassy staff, but also several visitors, as well as a police officer who had been guarding the embassy. They demanded the release of Arab prisoners from prisons in Khuzestan and their own safe passage out of the United Kingdom. Margaret Thatcher ‘s government quickly resolved that safe passage would not be granted, and a siege ensued. Over the following days, police negotiators secured the release of five hostages in exchange for minor concessions, such as the broadcasting of the hostage-takers’ demands on British television. By the sixth day of the siege the gunmen had become increasingly frustrated at the lack of progress in meeting their demands. That evening, they killed one of the hostages and threw his body out of the embassy. As a result, the government ordered the Special Air Service SAS , a special forces regiment of the British Army, to conduct an assault, known as Operation Nimrod, to rescue the remaining hostages.

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